Posts Tagged 'Frances Coppola'

Is “a Stable Cryptocurrency” an Oxymoron?

By way of a tweet by the indefatigable and insightful Frances Coppola, I just came upon this smackdown by Preston Byrne of the recent cryptocurrency startup called the Basecoin. I actually agree with much of Byrne’s critique, and I am on record (see several earlier blogposts such as this, this, and this) in suggesting that Bitcoins are a bubble. However, despite my deep skepticism about Bitcoins and other cryptocurrencies, I have also pointed out that, at least in theory, it’s possible to imagine a scenario in which a cryptocurrency would be viable. And because Byrne makes such a powerful (but I think overstated) case against Basecoin, I want to examine his argument a bit more carefully. But before I discuss Byrne’s blogpost, some theoretical background might be useful.

One of my first posts after launching this blog was called “The Paradox of Fiat Money” in which I posed this question: how do fiat moneys retain a positive value, when the future value of any fiat money will surely fall to zero? This question is based on the backward-induction argument that is widely used in game theory and dynamic programming. If you can figure out the end state of a process, you can reason backwards and infer the values that are optimally consistent with that end state.

If the value of money must go to zero in some future time period, and the demand for money now is derived entirely from the expectation that it will retain a positive value tomorrow, so that other people will accept from you the money that you have accepted in exchange today, then the value of the fiat money should go to zero immediately, because everyone, knowing that its future value must fall to zero, will refuse to accept between now and that future time when its value must be zero. There are ways of sidestepping the logic of backward induction, but I suggested, following a diverse group of orthodox neoclassical economists, including P. H. Wicksteed, Abba Lerner, and Earl Thompson, that the value of fiat money is derived, at least in part, from the current acceptability of fiat money in discharging tax liabilities, thereby creating an ongoing current demand for fiat money.

After I raised the problem of explaining the positive value of fiat money, I began thinking about the bitcoin phenomenon which seems to present a similar paradox, and a different approach to the problem of explaining the positive value of fiat money, and of bitcoins. The alternative approach focuses on the network externality that is associated with the demand for money; the willingness of people to hold and accept a medium of exchange increases as the number of other people that are willing to accept and hold that medium of exchange. Your demand for money increases the usefulness that money has for me. But the existence of that network externality creates a certain lock-in effect, because if you and I are potential transactors with each other, your demand for a  particular money makes it more difficult for me to switch away the medium of exchange that we are both using to another one that you are not using.  So while backward induction encourages us to switch away from the fiat money that we are both using, the network externality encourages us to keep using the fiat money that we are both using. The net effect is unclear, but it suggests that an equilibrium with a positive value for a fiat money may be unstable, creating a tipping point beyond which the demand for a fiat money, and its value, may start to fall very rapidly as people all start rushing for the exit at the same time.

So the takeaway for cryptocurrencies is that even though a cryptocurrency, offering nothing to the holder of the currency but its future resale value, is inherently worthless and therefore inherently vulnerable to a relentless and irreversible loss of value once that loss of value is generally anticipated, if the cryptocurrency can somehow attract sufficient initial acceptance as a medium of exchange, the inevitable loss of value can at least be delayed, allowing the cryptocurrency to gain acceptance, through a growing core of transactors offering and accepting it as payment. For this to happen, the cryptocurrency must provide some real advantage to its core transactors not otherwise available to them when transacting with other currencies.

The difficulty of attracting transactors who will use the cryptocurrency is greatly compounded if the value of the cryptocurrency rapidly appreciates in value. It may seem paradoxical that a rapid increase in the value of an asset – or more precisely the expectation of a rapid increase in the value of an asset – detracts from its suitability as a medium of exchange, but an expectation of rapid appreciation tends to drive any asset already being used as a currency out of circulation. That tendency is a long-and-widely recognized phenomenon, which even has both a name and a pithy epigram attached to it: “Gresham’s Law” and “bad money drives out the good.”

The phenomenon has been observed for centuries, typically occurring when two moneys with equal face value circulate concurrently, but with one money having more valuable material content than the other. For example, if a coinage consists of both full-bodied and clipped coins with equal face value, people hoard the more valuable full-bodied coins, offering only the clipped coins in exchange. Similarly, if some denominations of the same currency are gold coins and others are silver coins, so that the relative values of the coins are legally fixed, a substantial shift in the relative market values of silver and gold causes the relatively undervalued (good) coins to be hoarded, disappearing from circulation, leaving only the relatively overvalued (bad) coins in circulation. I note in passing that a fixed exchange rate between the two currencies is not, as has often been suggested, necessary for Gresham’s Law to operate when the rate of appreciation of one of the currencies is sufficiently fast.

So if I have a choice of exchanging dollars with a stable or even falling value to obtain the goods and services that I desire, why would I instead use an appreciating asset to buy those goods and services? Insofar as people are buying bitcoins now in expectation of future appreciation, they are not going be turning around to buy stuff with bitcoins when they could just as easily pay with dollars. The bitcoin bubble is therefore necessarily self-destructive. Demand is being fueled by the expectation of further appreciation, but the only service that a bitcoin offers is acceptability in exchange when making transactions — one transaction at any rate: being sold for dollars — while the expectation of appreciation is precisely what discourages people from using bitcoins to buy anything. Why then are bitcoins appreciating? That is the antimony that renders the widespread acceptance of bitcoins as a medium of exchange inconceivable.

Promoters of bitcoins extol the blockchain technology that makes trading with bitcoins anonymous and secure. My understanding of the blockchain technology is completely superficial, but there are recurring reports of hacking into bitcoin accounts and fraudulent transactions, creating doubts about the purported security and anonymity of bitcoins. Moreover, the decentralized character of bitcoin transactions slows down and increases the cost of executing a transaction with Bitcoin.

But let us stipulate for discussion purposes that Bitcoins do provide enhanced security and anonymity in performing transactions that more than compensate for the added costs of transacting with Bitcoins or other blockchain-based currencies, at least for some transactions. We all know which kinds of transactions require anonymity, and they are only a small subset of all the transactions carried out. So the number of transactions for which Bitcoins or blockchain-based cryptocurrencies might be preferred by transactors can’t be a very large fraction of the total number of transactions mediated by conventional currencies. But one could at least make a plausible argument that a niche market for a medium of exchange designed for secure anonymous transactions might be large enough to make a completely secure and anonymous medium of exchange viable. But we know that the Bitcoin will never be that alternative medium of exchange.

Understanding the fatal internal contradiction inherent in the Bitcoin, creators of cryptocurrency called Basecoin claim to have designed a cyptocurrency that will, or at any rate is supposed to, maintain a stable value even while profits accrue to investors from the anticipated increase in the demand for Basecoins. Other cryptocurrencies like Tether and Dai also purport to provide a stable value in terms of dollars, though the mechanism by which this is accomplished has not been made transparent, as promoters of Basecoins promise to do. But here’s the problem: for a new currency, whose value its promoters promise to stabilize, to generate profits to its backers from an increasing demand for that currency, the new currency units issued as demand increases must be created at a cost well below the value at which the currency is to be stabilized.

Because new Bitcoins are so costly to create, the quantity of Bitcoins can’t be increased sufficiently to prevent Bitcoins from appreciating as the demand for Bitcoins increases. The very increase in demand for Bitcoins is what renders it unsuitable to serve as a medium of exchange. So if the value of Basecoins substantially exceeds the cost of producing Basecoins, what prevents the value of Basecoins from falling to the cost of creating new Basecoins, or at least what keeps the market from anticipating that the value of Basecoins will fall to to the cost of producing new Basecoins?

To address this problem, designers of the Basecoin have created a computer protocol that is supposed to increase or decrease the quantity of Basecoins according as the value of Basecoins either exceeds, or falls short of, its target exchange value of $1 per Basecoin.  As an aside, let me just observe that even if we stipulate that the protocol would operate to stabilize the value of Basecoins at $1, there is still a problem in assuring traders that the protocol will be followed in practice. So it would seem necessary to make the protocol code publicly accessible so that potential investors backing Basecoin and holders of Basecoin could ascertain that the protocol would indeed operate as represented by Basecoin designers. So what might be needed is a WikiBasecoin.

But what I am interested in exploring here is whether the Basecoin protocol or some other similar protocol could actually work as asserted by the Basecoin White Paper. In an interesting blog post, Preston Byrne has argued that such a protocol cannot possibly work

Basecoin claims to solve the problem of wildly fluctuating cryptocurrency prices through the issuance of a cryptocurrency for which “tokens can be robustly pegged to arbitrary assets or baskets of goods while remaining completely decentralized.” This is achieved, the paper states in its abstract, by the fact that “1 Basecoin can be pegged to always trade for 1 USD. In the future, Basecoin could potentially even eclipse the dollar and be updated to a peg to the CPI or basket of goods. . . .”

Basecoin claims that it can “algorithmically adjust…the supply of Basecoin tokens in response to changes in, for example, the Basecoin-USD exchange rate… implementing a monetary policy similar to that executed by central banks around the world”.

Two points.

First, this is not how central banks manage the money supply. . . .

But of course, Basecoin isn’t actually creating a monetary supply, which central banks will into existence and then use to buy assets, primarily debt securities. Basecoin works by creating an investable asset which the “central bank” (i.e. the algorithm, because it’s nothing like a central bank) issues to holders of the tokens which those token holders then sell to new entrants into the scheme.

Buying assets to create money vs. selling assets to obtain money. There’s a big difference.

Byrne, of course, is correct that there is a big difference between the buying of assets to create money and the selling of assets to obtain money by promoters of a cryptocurrency. But the assets being sold to create money are created by the promoters of the money-issuing concern to accumulate the working capital that the promoters are planning to use in creating their currency, so the comparison between buying assets to create money and selling assets to obtain money is not exactly on point.

What Byrne is missing is that the central bank can take the demand for its currency as more or less given, a kind of economic fact of nature, though the exact explanation of that fact remains disturbingly elusive. The goal of a cryptocurrency promoter, however, is to create a demand for its currency that doesn’t already exist. That is above all a marketing and PR challenge. (Actually, a challenge that has been rather successfully met, though for Bitcoins at any rate the operational challenge of creating a viable currency to meet the newly created demand seems logically impossible.)

Second,

We need to talk about how a peg does and doesn’t work. . . .

Currently there are very efficient ways to peg the price of something to something else, let’s say (to keep it simple) $1. The first of these would be to execute a trust deed (cost: $0) saying that some entity, e.g. a bank, holds a set sum of money, say $1 billion, on trust absolutely for the holders of a token, which let’s call Dollarcoin for present purposes. If the token is redeemable at par from that bank (qua Trustee and not as depository), then the token ought to trade at close to $1, with perhaps a slight discount depending on the insolvency risk to which a Dollarcoin holder is exposed (although there are well-worn methods to keep the underlying dollars insolvency-remote, i.e. insulated from the risk of a collapse of that bank).

Put another way, there is a way to turn 1 dollarcoin into a $1 here [sic]. Easy-peasy, no questions asked, with ancient technology like paper and pens or SQL tables. The downside of course is that you need to 100% cash collateralize the system, which is (from a cost of capital perspective) rather expensive. This is the reason why fractional reserve banking exists.

The mistake here is that 100% cash collateralization is not required for convertibility and parity. Under the gold-standard, the convertibility of various national currencies into gold at fixed parities was maintained with far less than 100% gold cover against those currencies, and commercial banks and money-market funds routinely maintain the convertibility of deposits into currency at one-to-one parities with far less than 100% currency reserves against deposits. Sometimes convertibility in such systems breaks down temporarily, but such breakdowns are neither necessary nor inevitable, though they may sometimes, given the alternatives, be the best available option. I understand that banks undertake a legal obligation to convert deposits into currency at a one-to-one rate, but such a legal obligation is not the only possible legal rule under which banks could operate. The Bank of England during the legal restriction of convertibility of its Banknotes into gold from 1797 to 1819, was operating without any legal obligation to convert its Banknotes into gold, though it was widely expected at some future date convertibility would be resumed.

While I am completely sympathetic to Byrne’s skepticism about the viability of cryptocurrencies, even cryptocurrencies with some kind of formal or informal peg with respect to an actual currency like the dollar, he seems to think that because there are circumstances under which the currencies will fail, he has shown that it is impossible for the currencies ever to succeed. I believe that it would be a stretch for a currency like the Basecoin to be successful, but one can at least imagine a set of circumstances under which, in contrast to the Bitcoin, the Basecoin could be successful, though even under the rosiest possible scenario I can’t imagine how the Basecoin or any other cryptocurrency could displace the dollar as the world’s dominant currency. To be sure, success of the Basecoin or some other “stabililzed” cryptocurrency is a long-shot, but success is not logically self-contradictory. Sometimes a prophecy, however improbable, can be self-fulfilling.

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Competitive Devaluation Plus Monetary Expansion Does Create a Free Lunch

I want to begin this post by saying that I’m flattered by, and grateful to, Frances Coppola for the first line of her blog post yesterday. But – and I note that imitation is the sincerest form of flattery – I fear I have to take issue with her over competitive devaluation.

Frances quotes at length from a quotation from Hawtrey’s Trade Depression and the Way Out that I used in a post I wrote almost four years ago. Hawtrey explained why competitive devaluation in the 1930s was – and in my view still is – not a problem (except under extreme assumptions, which I will discuss at the end of this post). Indeed, I called competitive devaluation a free lunch, providing her with a title for her post. Here’s the passage that Frances quotes:

This competitive depreciation is an entirely imaginary danger. The benefit that a country derives from the depreciation of its currency is in the rise of its price level relative to its wage level, and does not depend on its competitive advantage. If other countries depreciate their currencies, its competitive advantage is destroyed, but the advantage of the price level remains both to it and to them. They in turn may carry the depreciation further, and gain a competitive advantage. But this race in depreciation reaches a natural limit when the fall in wages and in the prices of manufactured goods in terms of gold has gone so far in all the countries concerned as to regain the normal relation with the prices of primary products. When that occurs, the depression is over, and industry is everywhere remunerative and fully employed. Any countries that lag behind in the race will suffer from unemployment in their manufacturing industry. But the remedy lies in their own hands; all they have to do is to depreciate their currencies to the extent necessary to make the price level remunerative to their industry. Their tardiness does not benefit their competitors, once these latter are employed up to capacity. Indeed, if the countries that hang back are an important part of the world’s economic system, the result must be to leave the disparity of price levels partly uncorrected, with undesirable consequences to everybody. . . .

The picture of an endless competition in currency depreciation is completely misleading. The race of depreciation is towards a definite goal; it is a competitive return to equilibrium. The situation is like that of a fishing fleet threatened with a storm; no harm is done if their return to a harbor of refuge is “competitive.” Let them race; the sooner they get there the better. (pp. 154-57)

Here’s Frances’s take on Hawtrey and me:

The highlight “in terms of gold” is mine, because it is the key to why Glasner is wrong. Hawtrey was right in his time, but his thinking does not apply now. We do not value today’s currencies in terms of gold. We value them in terms of each other. And in such a system, competitive devaluation is by definition beggar-my-neighbour.

Let me explain. Hawtrey defines currency values in relation to gold, and advertises the benefit of devaluing in relation to gold. The fact that gold is the standard means there is no direct relationship between my currency and yours. I may devalue my currency relative to gold, but you do not have to: my currency will be worth less compared to yours, but if the medium of account is gold, this does not matter since yours will still be worth the same amount in terms of gold. Assuming that the world price of gold remains stable, devaluation therefore principally affects the DOMESTIC price level.  As Hawtrey says, there may additionally be some external competitive advantage, but this is not the principal effect and it does not really matter if other countries also devalue. It is adjusting the relationship of domestic wages and prices in terms of gold that matters, since this eventually forces down the price of finished goods and therefore supports domestic demand.

Conversely, in a floating fiat currency system such as we have now, if I devalue my currency relative to yours, your currency rises relative to mine. There may be a domestic inflationary effect due to import price rises, but we do not value domestic wages or the prices of finished goods in terms of other currencies, so there can be no relative adjustment of wages to prices such as Hawtrey envisages. Devaluing the currency DOES NOT support domestic demand in a floating fiat currency system. It only rebalances the external position by making imports relatively more expensive and exports relatively cheaper.

This difference is crucial. In a gold standard system, devaluing the currency is a monetary adjustment to support domestic demand. In a floating fiat currency system, itis an external adjustment to improve competitiveness relative to other countries.

Actually, Frances did not quote the entire passage from Hawtrey that I reproduced in my post, and Frances would have done well to quote from, and to think carefully about, what Hawtrey said in the paragraphs preceding the ones she quoted. Here they are:

When Great Britain left the gold standard, deflationary measure were everywhere resorted to. Not only did the Bank of England raise its rate, but the tremendous withdrawals of gold from the United States involved an increase of rediscounts and a rise of rates there, and the gold that reached Europe was immobilized or hoarded. . . .

The consequence was that the fall in the price level continued. The British price level rose in the first few weeks after the suspension of the gold standard, but then accompanied the gold price level in its downward trend. This fall of prices calls for no other explanation than the deflationary measures which had been imposed. Indeed what does demand explanation is the moderation of the fall, which was on the whole not so steep after September 1931 as before.

Yet when the commercial and financial world saw that gold prices were falling rather than sterling prices rising, they evolved the purely empirical conclusion that a depreciation of the pound had no effect in raising the price level, but that it caused the price level in terms of gold and of those currencies in relation to which the pound depreciated to fall.

For any such conclusion there was no foundation. Whenever the gold price level tended to fall, the tendency would make itself felt in a fall in the pound concurrently with the fall in commodities. But it would be quite unwarrantable to infer that the fall in the pound was the cause of the fall in commodities.

On the other hand, there is no doubt that the depreciation of any currency, by reducing the cost of manufacture in the country concerned in terms of gold, tends to lower the gold prices of manufactured goods. . . .

But that is quite a different thing from lowering the price level. For the fall in manufacturing costs results in a greater demand for manufactured goods, and therefore the derivative demand for primary products is increased. While the prices of finished goods fall, the prices of primary products rise. Whether the price level as a whole would rise or fall it is not possible to say a priori, but the tendency is toward correcting the disparity between the price levels of finished products and primary products. That is a step towards equilibrium. And there is on the whole an increase of productive activity. The competition of the country which depreciates its currency will result in some reduction of output from the manufacturing industry of other countries. But this reduction will be less than the increase in the country’s output, for if there were no net increase in the world’s output there would be no fall of prices.

So Hawtrey was refuting precisely the argument raised  by Frances. Because the value of gold was not stable after Britain left the gold standard and depreciated its currency, the deflationary effect in other countries was mistakenly attributed to the British depreciation. But Hawtrey points out that this reasoning was backwards. The fall in prices in the rest of the world was caused by deflationary measures that were increasing the demand for gold and causing prices in terms of gold to continue to fall, as they had been since 1929. It was the fall in prices in terms of gold that was causing the pound to depreciate, not the other way around

Frances identifies an important difference between an international system of fiat currencies in which currency values are determined in relationship to each other in foreign exchange markets and a gold standard in which currency values are determined relative to gold. However, she seems to be suggesting that currency values in a fiat money system affect only the prices of imports and exports. But that can’t be so, because if the prices of imports and exports are affected, then the prices of the goods that compete with imports and exports must also be affected. And if the prices of tradable goods are affected, then the prices of non-tradables will also — though probably with a lag — eventually be affected as well. Of course, insofar as relative prices before the change in currency values were not in equilibrium, one can’t predict that all prices will adjust proportionately after the change.

To make the point in more abstract terms, the principle of purchasing power parity (PPP) operates under both a gold standard and a fiat money standard, and one can’t just assume that the gold standard has some special property that allows PPP to hold, while PPP is somehow disabled under a fiat currency system. Absent an explanation of why PPP doesn’t hold in a floating fiat currency system, the assertion that devaluing a currency (i.e., driving down the exchange value of one currency relative to other currencies) “is an external adjustment to improve competitiveness relative to other countries” is baseless.

I would also add a semantic point about this part of Frances’s argument:

We do not value today’s currencies in terms of gold. We value them in terms of each other. And in such a system, competitive devaluation is by definition beggar-my-neighbour.

Unfortunately, Frances falls into the common trap of believing that a definition actually tell us something about the real word, when in fact a definition tell us no more than what meaning is supposed to be attached to a word. The real world is invariant with respect to our definitions; our definitions convey no information about reality. So for Frances to say – apparently with the feeling that she is thereby proving her point – that competitive devaluation is by definition beggar-my-neighbour is completely uninformative about happens in the world; she is merely informing us about how she chooses to define the words she is using.

Frances goes on to refer to this graph taken from Gavyn Davies in the Financial Times, concerning a speech made by Stanley Fischer about research done by Fed staff economists showing that the 20% appreciation in the dollar over the past 18 months has reduced the rate of US inflation by as much as 1% and is projected to cause US GDP in three years to be about 3% lower than it would have been without dollar appreciation.Gavyn_Davies_Chart

Frances focuses on these two comments by Gavyn. First:

Importantly, the impact of the higher exchange rate does not reverse itself, at least in the time horizon of this simulation – it is a permanent hit to the level of GDP, assuming that monetary policy is not eased in the meantime.

And then:

According to the model, the annual growth rate should have dropped by about 0.5-1.0 per cent by now, and this effect should increase somewhat further by the end of this year.

Then, Frances continues:

But of course this assumes that the US does not ease monetary policy further. Suppose that it does?

The hit to net exports shown on the above graph is caused by imports becoming relatively cheaper and exports relatively more expensive as other countries devalue. If the US eased monetary policy in order to devalue the dollar support nominal GDP, the relative prices of imports and exports would rebalance – to the detriment of those countries attempting to export to the US.

What Frances overlooks is that by easing monetary policy to support nominal GDP, the US, aside from moderating or reversing the increase in its real exchange rate, would have raised total US aggregate demand, causing US income and employment to increase as well. Increased US income and employment would have increased US demand for imports (and for the products of American exporters), thereby reducing US net exports and increasing aggregate demand in the rest of the world. That was Hawtrey’s argument why competitive devaluation causes an increase in total world demand. Francis continues with a description of the predicament of the countries affected by US currency devaluation:

They have three choices: they respond with further devaluation of their own currencies to support exports, they impose import tariffs to support their own balance of trade, or they accept the deflationary shock themselves. The first is the feared “competitive devaluation” – exporting deflation to other countries through manipulation of the currency; the second, if widely practised, results in a general contraction of global trade, to everyone’s detriment; and you would think that no government would willingly accept the third.

But, as Hawtrey showed, competitive devaluation is not a problem. Depreciating your currency cushions the fall in nominal income and aggregate demand. If aggregate demand is kept stable, then the increased output, income, and employment associated with a falling exchange rate will spill over into a demand for the exports of other countries and an increase in the home demand for exportable home products. So it’s a win-win situation.

However, the Fed has permitted passive monetary tightening over the last eighteen months, and in December 2015 embarked on active monetary tightening in the form of interest rate rises. Davies questions the rationale for this, given the extraordinary rise in the dollar REER and the growing evidence that the US economy is weakening. I share his concern.

And I share his concern, too. So what are we even arguing about? Equally troubling is how passive tightening has reduced US demand for imports and for US exportable products, so passive tightening has negative indirect effects on aggregate demand in the rest of the world.

Although currency depreciation generally tends to increase the home demand for imports and for exportables, there are in fact conditions when the general rule that competitive devaluation is expansionary for all countries may be violated. In a number of previous posts (e.g., this, this, this, this and this) about currency manipulation, I have explained that when currency depreciation is undertaken along with a contractionary monetary policy, the terms-of-trade effect predominates without any countervailing effect on aggregate demand. If a country depreciates its exchange rate by intervening in foreign-exchange markets, buying foreign currencies with its own currency, thereby raising the value of foreign currencies relative to its own currency, it is also increasing the quantity of the domestic currency in the hands of the public. Increasing the quantity of domestic currency tends to raise domestic prices, thereby reversing, though probably with a lag, the effect on the currency’s real exchange rate. To prevent the real-exchange rate from returning to its previous level, the monetary authority must sterilize the issue of domestic currency with which it purchased foreign currencies. This can be done by open-market sales of assets by the cental bank, or by imposing increased reserve requirements on banks, thereby forcing banks to hold the new currency that had been created to depreciate the home currency.

This sort of currency manipulation, or exchange-rate protection, as Max Corden referred to it in his classic paper (reprinted here), is very different from conventional currency depreciation brought about by monetary expansion. The combination of currency depreciation and tight money creates an ongoing shortage of cash, so that the desired additional cash balances can be obtained only by way of reduced expenditures and a consequent export surplus. Since World War II, Japan, Germany, Taiwan, South Korea, and China are among the countries that have used currency undervaluation and tight money as a mechanism for exchange-rate protectionism in promoting industrialization. But exchange rate protection is possible not only under a fiat currency system. Currency manipulation was also possible under the gold standard, as happened when the France restored the gold standard in 1928, and pegged the franc to the dollar at a lower exchange rate than the franc had reached prior to the restoration of convertibility. That depreciation was accompanied by increased reserve requirements on French banknotes, providing the Bank of France with a continuing inflow of foreign exchange reserves with which it was able to pursue its insane policy of accumulating gold, thereby precipitating, with a major assist from the high-interest rate policy of the Fed, the deflation that turned into the Great Depression.


About Me

David Glasner
Washington, DC

I am an economist in the Washington DC area. My research and writing has been mostly on monetary economics and policy and the history of economics. In my book Free Banking and Monetary Reform, I argued for a non-Monetarist non-Keynesian approach to monetary policy, based on a theory of a competitive supply of money. Over the years, I have become increasingly impressed by the similarities between my approach and that of R. G. Hawtrey and hope to bring Hawtrey's unduly neglected contributions to the attention of a wider audience.

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